Ps3 



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A 






PLEA FOR CUBA: 



ADDRESSED TO THE 



)tmi\ and 



m>\ of fai[^nfaii^|of tip |[m^d mt$ t 



UEGING IMMEDIATE ACTION IN AID OF THE STRUGGLE 

FOR INDEPENDENCE NOW GOING ON 

IN THAT ISLAND. 



/ 



//I /S \ /-1 < W ~~&~ (/A & t yy y^ 



"We must make a home for freedom in the United States. 11 

THOMAS JEFFERSON. 
•'America for Americans."— JAMES MONROE. 

"The possession of Cuba is not only desirable, but may be essential to the safety 
of our country- EDWARD EVERETT. 



S^H^ 



J 



BALTIMORE: 

S1EJLM (PBE88 OF WILLIjlJtf K. gOYLE, 

Corner of Baltimore and St. Paul Streets. 

1870. 



Note. — The following pages are from a Baltimore paper, 
" The Saturday Night." They may be found to contain facts 
in relation to the Cuban revolution not familiar to all readers ; 
the subject, it seems, need only to be understood, in order to 
bring conviction to every candid mind, that now is the time 
for Cuba to be free. We have seen the destruction of the 
Old Government of Spain; — May renovated Cuba arise from its 
ashes ! 



p 5 i °3 



A PLEA FOR CUBA. 



CHAPTER I. 

THE CUBAN QUESTION AND PRESIDENT'S 

MESSAGE. 

The President's message has chilled the hearts of those who 
hoped that our Government would be disposed to help the strug- 
gling patriots of 'Cuba. There was evidently a great struggle in 
the Executive mind (or minds) in preparing this morceau for the 
public taste. 

" The United States, the freest of all nations " — alas, how is the 
sacred name of freedom degraded ! 

" Its people sympathise with all peoples struggling for liberty 
and self government " — sympathy is cheap ! 

" We should abstain from enforcing our views upon unwilling 
nations without invitation." Old Spain has not invited us to act 
against her interests in regard to Cuba ; therefore we must stifle 
our "warm feelings and sympathies" for our near neighbors 
"struggling for independence and freedom." 

" This nation must be its own judge when to accord the rights 
of belligerents." But we think the Cuban patriots have nut 
suffered enough — there has not yet been a sufficient number of 
martyrs in this holy cause of liberty ; not enough Cuban women 
and children have been sacrificed, not brave men enough have 
been shot in cold blood or butchered like beasts. The Cubans only 
hold more than half the territory of the island; they have only sus- 
tained their independent government for more than a year against 
the combined naval and land forces of Spain ; Spain, which, 
though contending against itself, is yet united in holding Cuba in 
bondage. So we think that Cuba, has not yet done and suffered 
enough, for us to do more than say, we are sorry for her. 



" The United States, in order to put a stop to bloodshed in Cuba, 
proposed their good offices," &c, &c. " The offer, not being on a 
basis which we believe could be received by Cuba, was withdrawn." 
What was the offer ? Return to your slavery, to' your cruel task- 
masters ! Though we have freed our slaves, (at the expense ot 
the South,) be ye content to be slaves ! Your troubles are not 
pleasant to us. We would have a quiet neighborhood ! This is an 
unhappy strife ! We have deep feelings and sympathies for you, 
and so we have broken up those expeditions which you had fitted 
out. We are sorry your women have lost their jewels and silver, 
and your men their remaining property, in obtaining means to fit 
out those expeditions, but, really, we did feel obliged to seize upon 
them ; but we hope the good offices of the United States may yet 
prove of advantage to you. 

Such, after diligent searching into the spirit of that part of the 
President's message which relates to Cuba, seems to be its import 
and its spirit — or, rather, its want of spirit. Of President Grant 
we had expected nobler and more generous sentiments, and we 
can only excuse him on the ground that he repeated the words of a 
more guarded and subtle diplomatist than himself. 

But yet there is light for Cuba. The first business of the Senate, 
after that body was organized, was the presentation by Senator 
Cameron of a memorial from old Pennsylvania — true to her prin- 
ciples of right — for the recognition of the JRepub lie of Cuba; and 
Mr. Cameron declared himself the friend of Cuban rights! He 
would be so in deeds, and not in idle words only. 



CHAPTER II. 

THE CUBAN QUESTION AND THE HONOR- 
ABLE CHARLES SUMNER. 

We have before us three pamphlets from the New York press. 
" Cuba before the United States," " Cuba under Spanish Rule," 
and " The American Policy in respect to Cuba in the Light of 
Common Sense." 

We shall in this article consider number one, which is an able 
and triumphant answer to a speech of the Hon. Charles Sumner, 



before the Republican Convention of Massachusetts, at Worcester, 
September 22, 1869. 

That the great northern Republican, the professed friend - and 
champion of liberty and equal rights, should take part against the 
emancipation of slaves, by acting against the Republicans of Cuba, 
in their conflict with slave-holding, slavery loving Spain, is pro- 
nounced as strange and inconsistent. 

Alas for poor Cuba, for whom the Republicans can feel no sym- 
pathy, even though she has emancipated her slaves, and only asks 
freedom for herself ! 

Poor Cuba, whom southern sympathisers condemn, because she is 
in a state of rebellion ! 

This is often the taunting reply to Unionists who plead for Cuba : 
"We thought you did not approve of rebellion ? " But what 
parallel is there between the late civil war in the United States 
and the Cuban conflict ? The Southern States were not a distant 
colony held in subjection by a foreign power ; they were an integral 
portion of a great and prosperous nation, in whose government and 
authority they had ever enjoyed an important share. Where, we 
ask, is the parallel between the " Southern Confederacy " and 
Republican Cuba ? 

The destruction of slavery among the Cubans is their crime, 
with some, though they may assign other reasons for their apathy 
in regard to Cuba. But what does the great anti-slavery champion 
urge against the recognition of her rights as a belligerent power? 
Why, Mr. Sumner doubts whether the Cubans have emancipated 
their slaves : he might as well question the existence of any 
conflict in Cuba, as to doubt the fact that slavery is forbidden by 
the Cuban constitution, copies of which are freely circulated in our 
midst. 

We have in our city an ex-Consul-General to Cuba, Mr. La 
Reintrie, who resigned a lucrative position from disgust with 
Spanish tyranny and cruelty in Havana, exercised toward citizens, 
of the United States, as well as toward Cubans. His eloquent 
eulogium upon slave emancipation in Cuba, at the late celebration 
in Baltimore of the first anniversary of Cuban independence, was 
heard by hundreds of our citizens as well as the large number of 
Cubans who are in our City. 

Moreover, Mr. Sumner proclaimed his doubts as to whether there 
really is any war in Cuba ; any belligerency for the United States 
to recognise. The author of the answer to the Massachusetts 



6 

Senator .says : " To be in arms is the point in question ; for more 
than thirteen months the Cubans not only have held their own 
against the Spaniards, but the strength of the revolution has been 
enough to cause the annihilation of a great Spanish army, and to 
spread itself over two-thirds of the island. Further than this, 
the Cubans have attacked the Spaniards in their strongholds, 
carrying away what they needed, as they have done in Puerto 
Principe, and lately in Las Tunas, defeating them in the ever 
memorable engagement of Baire Siguanca, the heights ot La Crus, 
Las Minas, Sabana, Nueva, Puerto del Padre, Manati, Ramon, and 
in many others of less importance, where the Fabian policy has 
been a wonderful success. 

There is, therefore, no denial of the fact that a declaration of 
Cuban independence has been proclaimed, and that such indepen- 
dence has been positively maintained. The Cuban government 
consists of a Congress, which holds its sessions in the town of Gua- 
cimara, with a provisional President, Cespedes. It has its envoys 
and ministers in Mexico, Peru, Venezuela, France and England. 
Senor Morales Lemus, an able and distinguished Cuban, is" the 
accredited minister to the United States. He has been in the 
country nearly a year awaiting to be recognised in his official 
capacity. 

The republic of Peru, to which the United States has granted 
the rights of a nation, has fully recognised Cuba; and the other 
South American Republics have granted to her, belligerent rights ; 
it is little more than half a century since the United States were 
soliciting recognition as a nation from foreign powers, and France 
heard our cry and sent La Fayette and a naval force to help as 
maintain our independence. 

But Mr. Sumner doubts the existence of war in Cuba, or of war 
to any extent sufficient lor the United States to n 'tice. 

" What a curious spectacle," says the author of the answer to 
Senator Sumner's speech, •' is witnessed in our age — the leaders of 
Republicanism in this country going hand in hand with the slave- 
holders and the slave traders in Havana ! 

Of the remaining two pamphlets on the Cuban question, we may 
make mention hereafter. 






CHAPTER III. 

CUBA UNDER SPANISH RULE. 

A pamphlet bearing this title has lately issued from the New 
York press. It is a translation from the French. The author, 
Dr. V. de Roches, is not a native Cuban, but lived many years on 
the island : he professes to have been an impartial witness of events, 
and to describe them with simple veracity, though he was himself 
a victim of the tyranny there practiced. 

The severing of relations which have existed for three centuries 
between Spain and her " Ever Faithful Daughter," (as she has 
fondly termed Cuba) may be traced to causes which lie at the 
foundation of human life, liberty and self-respect. 

To begin with " Spanish rule in Cuba," we find Diego Velasquez, 
in 1511, taking possession oi the island; the affrighted natives flee- 
ing at the effect of fire-arms. The Cacique, Hutney, who had fled 
from his native island, St. Domingo, on account of Spanish cruelties, 
vainly attempted to stop the progress of the invaders. He was 
taken prisoner, and refusing to be baptized by the Romish priests, 
was burned alive. Such was the beginning of Spanish care for Cuba. 

The author of the work we are examining, refers the reader to 
the history of Spanish dominion in Cuba, that he may determine 
impartially whether or no the mother country has in good faith 
fulfilled her duties and promises, in short, on which side of the 
Atlantic are right and justice in these matters to be found. 

The Government of Spain in Cuba — At the head of all, is the 
great dignitary whose titles are, Captain General, Governor Superior 
Civil of the isle of Cuba, President of the highest Court, and vice- 
Royal Patron of its churches. This great power commands the 
army and navy, has control over every branch of the government, 
including that of the treasury ; watches over the civil courts and 
dictates their decisions. No corporation or society can legally con- 
duct any business without his presence, or that of his representa- 
tive. Thus we see that his powers are unlimited ; and he is 
accountable to no tribunal, except that of his sovereign at home. 
We find also that the ordinance which regulates his powers (a ridicu- 
lous expression in respect to unlimited power !) confers the full use 
of the faculties which by royal ordinance are conceded to governors 
of besieged towns. 



Let any American reflect upon such a government, and ask him- 
self whether it should be borne by men in the Nineteenth Century 
living where the light of freedom dawns upon them from the United 
States, and from the republics of South America, who have thrown 
off the tyranny under which they too had been oppressed. No, is 
it not to the reproach of Cuba, that she has so long borne this 
oppression rather than that she now rises against it ? 

But to return to the mild and beautiful Spanish rule in Cuba. 
After tHat great dignitary, there are other officials, reflecting indeed 
his glory, but receiving real and ample compensation from the 
Cuban treasury for espionage and exactions. They have power to 
collect taxes, and to punish by prison or fines any delinquents. 

Their officers, taken from the line of the military, consider their 
department as a military headquarters, and treat the people as 
common soldiers. Their pay is $12,000 per annum, besides houses 
and rations. 

But our limits will not permit us a further analysis of this kind 
and parental government. God grant that in no portion of our 
country may there exist even any shadow of such despotism — any 
analogies to Spanish rule in Cuba ! 

Municipal Governments in Cuba "These," says De Roches, "are 
but a phantasm. There is the pretence of a city council, merely 
to give an aspect of legality to the acts of the Governor. Nothing 
is done to promote the healthfulness of the cities ; filth accumulates 
with no attention from the government as to the annoyance ; there 
are no decent hospitals for the sick ; no preventions for the spread of 
contagious diseases ; and yet the people pay enormous taxes. For 
what? For the support of greedy officials, whose object it is to 
become rich in Cuba that they may return to Spain to enjoy the 
fruits of their inquity. 

The task of searching into Spanish oppression and injustice in 
Cuba becomes sickening. We would refer the readers of the Balti- 
more Saturday Night (almost the only paper, we believe, which 
has dared to speak out for Cuba,) to history, and to the remarks of 
travelers. 

The distinguished editor of the New York Evening Post, William 
C. Bryant, who visited Cuba twenty years since, in his " Letters of 
a Traveller," thus writes respecting the annexation of this island to 
the United States : 

" The Creoles, no doubt, would be very glad to see Cuba annexed 
to the United States, and many of them ardently desire it. It 



9 

would relieve them from many great burdens which they now bear, 
open their commerce to the world, rid them of a tyrannical govern- 
ment, and allow them to manage their own affairs in their own way. 
But Spain derives from the possession of Cuba advantages too great 
to be relinquished. She extracts from Cuba a revenue of twelve 
millions of dollars," (now thirty-five millions,) "her government 
sends its needy nobility, and all for whom it would provide, to fill 
lucrative offices in Cuba — the priests, the military officers, the civil 
authorities, every man who fills a judicial post, or holds a clerkship 
is from old Spain." 

Mr. Bryant then remarks upon the seeming improbabilities of 
any relief to Cuba, by an attempt to throw off the tyranny of Spain 

" A Cuban planter," he says, " who should dare to speak publicly 
of annexation to the United States, would run the risk of being 
imprisoned or exiled." 

One great difficulty which Mr. Bryant saw in the way of Cuban 
independence, or annexation to the United States, was in the insti- 
tution of slavery, which he seemed to consider as being entailed 
forever upon that country ; and consistently with his own princi- 
ples, Mr. Bryant would have deprecated the addition of any more 
slave territory to the United States. But this difficulty no longer 
exists Independent Cuba has divested herself of slavery She 
has followed the example of the United States. Had she not 
reason to have expected of our government a cordial recognition, 
and some efficient help in her conflict with the boa constrictor which 
has so long held her in its fatal grasp ? 

But how have we aided her ? The President says : " We are 
sorry for her ; " and yet he allows the Spanish gunboats to leave our 
shores, perchance to carry death to the hopes of Cuban patriots, who 
have confidently looked to us as friends and helpers. 

Mr. Bryant says: " If Cuba were to be annexed to the United 
States, institutions of education would be introduced, commerce 
and religion would be both made free, and the character of the 
Islanders would be elevated by the responsibilities which a free 
government would throw upon them." We appeal to Mr. Bryant 
at this crisis in the affairs of Cuba, to come out in his character of 
a leading journalist, and with the eloquence for which he is so 
justly distinguished, and plead with our national legislators to dare 
to do what their consciences dictate as right, in this great question 
of national justice ! 



10 

Some three years ago it was decided, in order appease murmurs 
from Cuba, to call to Madrid, as representatives to the Spanish 
Government, certain of the distinguished men of the Island, that 
they might make known the wishes of the people, with a view to the 
redress of their grievances. They were invited by the minister to 
discuss freely in his ante-chamber, filled with the enemies of Cuban 
rights, all questions except three — political, religious and monarchi- 
cal institutions. Humiliated and confounded, brow-beaten by the 
enemies of all radical reform, the Cuban representatives were sent 
home, bringing back for their fellow -citizens a summary of increased 
taxes, in the preparation of which they had not been permitted to 
participate. 

Of those Cuban commissioners some are now among us. Senor 
Morales Lemus is the accredited Minister to our Government from 
Independent Cuba, and another is President, of the Cuban Junta of 
Baltimore. 



CHAPTER IV. 

THE CUBAN QUESTION AND AMERICAN 
POLICY IN THE LIGHT OF COMMON 

SENSE. 

A pamphlet bearing this title, issued from the New York press, 
is prefaced by the dying words of General Rawlins, late Secretary 
of War, to the Postmaster General, Mr. Cresswell. 

"Yes. 1 have something more to say. There is Cuba, poor strug- 
gling Cuba. I want you to stand by the Cubans. Cuba must be 
free. Her tyrannical enemy must be crushed. Cuba must not only 
be free, but all her sister islands. This Republic is responsible for 
that. I am passing away, but you must look after this. We have 
been together; now you must look to this." 

These are reported as the last words of a man who went to bis 
grave honored by all parties, as an honest patriot, a guileless poli- 
tician. 

r*ince the death of this firm and enlightened friend of Cuba, the 
affairs of that oppressed people have gradually changed, as respects 
the disposition of the government of the United States towards giv- 



11 

ing them aid or even encouragement, by remaining neutral. The 
causes for such change may be found in the influence of Spanish gold 
upon officials in whose keeping the destiny of Cuba has, in a degree, 
rested ; the prestige of Spanish envoys in this country, who, by 
means of money, extorted from Cuba, are enabled to live in state, 
and to make grand entertainments. The cunning of Spain shows 
itself in the purchase of praises, even of travellers from the United 
States ; men who, at home, are loud in professions of patriotism and 
love of freedom, return subsidized, to give public lectures in our in- 
stitutes in favor of that grand, poetic and slavery-loving old Spain. 
There is, indeed, a reaction going on there ; but if there be a sin- 
cere love for liberty let the renovated Spanish government manifest 
this by the emancipation of their slaves in Cuba ; we mean their 
white slaves; who are pledged to free al! blacks as soon as their 
own liberty is secured. 

The pamphlet under review asserts that " the fate of Cuba rests 
with the United States." The progress made by the patriots since 
their declaration of Independence in October, 1868, was briefly no- 
ticed in our article of last week. At the end of one year the pat- 
riots had risen in, and had obtained possession of more than two- 
thirds of the whole island." At this time more than forty thousand 
men are in the field, and though poorly armed, are successfully 
contending against the Spanish troops, who are well armed with the 
most approved weapons of the United States. 

" The United States responsible for Cuba! " Such was the dying 
sentiment of Rawlins ; such is the feeling of Cuban patriots and 
their friends in the United States. 

We must pass cursorily over the different heads of the pamphlet 
in review. "What the United States ought to do," is ably and 
forcibly commented on. No reader of our paper can be at a loss 
as to what the Cubans ask for from our country, and few are not 
informed what we have done. So far from acknowledging the in- 
dependence of Cuba, or of affording her any assistance, we have put 
forth all means in our power to prevent any aid being carried to 
the patriots irom our country. Nay, we have deceived Cuba by 
professions of sympathy which encouraged attempts that have been 
mercilessly defeated. We have in past times, as a nation professed 
to be in sympathy with the oppressed in various parts of the earth ! 
We did not fear Turkish power, when, in 1828, we befriended 
Greece, struggling to be free. We were not intimidated by fears of 
Austrian vengeance when we so warmly took part with Hungary 



12 

in her struggle for independence, and received the Hungarian, 
Kossuth, with open arms, because he had dared to resist Austrian 
tyranny. 

The author of pamphlet No. 3, ably discusses the manner in which 
European governments recognize and aid revolting sections of a 
country whenever it suits their interests to do so. 

France set up an Imperial foreign government in Mexico, against 
the will of the people, on the principle of monarchical State policy. 
The powers of Europe — Spam included — promptly recognized that 
government. France appropriated to herself large provinces in 
Africa and of Savoy, with no opposition from foreign powers. Eng- 
land makes to herself dependencies in every quarter of the globe 
where she can extend her commerce and increase her power. Spain 
in former years, has not been behind any other power in seeking to 
conquer and to hold provinces. If she has of late ceased these 
aggressions, it has been for want of power. " Shall the United 
States." asks the author, " be the only nation which must not study 
its own interests in extending its system of government, influence, 
commerce or territory. 

The loss of Cuba, ruined and desolated as she must be without as- 
sistance from the United States, would be a great calamity to the 
trade of this country, and derogatory to its honor, inasmuch as it 
would be apparent to the whole world that she dared not accept 
that which Cuba offered, and which she wanted, the annexation of 
that island to her territory. 

In 1823 President Monroe, in his message to Congress, proclaimed 
this principle : That European powers are not henceforth to attempt 
any colonization upon the American Continent, North or South; 
that any attempts to extend their system to any portion of the 
Western Hemisphere shall be considered as dangerous to the peace 
and safety of the United States." 

This is the famous Monroe Doctrine. It seems indeed absurd, 
that this should be quoted as adverse to the destruction of the 
Spanish rule in Cuba, for its very spirit is '' America for Ameri- 
cans /" It does not recommend useless interference with foreign 
governments who have established themselves on the continent, but 
strongly intimates that there should be as little of such neighbor- 
hood as possible. Mr. Monroe was desirous of the annexation of 
Florida. Mr. Jefferson advocated the recognizing of the revolted 
South American Colonies, and of our aiding them to secure their in- 
dependence, lie said, " We must secure a home iov freedom in oar 



13 

hemisphere. " Mr. Jefferson also, in a letter to President Monroe, 
expressed a wish for the acquisition of Cuba, as of great importance 
to the United States 

Edward Everett, when Secretary of State, advanced the opinion 
that possession of the island of Cuba, was, not only very desirable, 
but, in certain contingencies, might be almost essential to the safety 
of our country. 

" It may," he says, " indeed be considered, in some degree, as the 
key to the gulf of Mexico, which washes the coasts of five States ; it 
bars the entrance to the Mississippi river; it keeps watch at the door- 
way of our intercourse with California by the Isthmus route." 

As we objected to the formation of a separate nation by the Con- 
federate States, on account of the physical relations of the two 
sections of country, may we not reasonably desire that Cuba shall 
become one with us ? If we do so wish, is there any moral obliga- 
tion resting upon this nation for aiding Spain to retain this island 
in her grasp ? 

The trade and resources of Cuba are topics which furnish power- 
ful arguments for the author of the pamphlet in his consideration 
of the value of the island to the United States. We all know 
something of the rich and valuable commodities which we obtain 
from Cuba ; but statistics show that great as is the whole amount 
of Cuban productions, only fifteen per cent, of the island is under 
cultivation, owing to the wretched state of tillage practiced there, 
and on account of the oppressed state of the people. With our 
system of cultivation, and under a free government, what treasures 
of wealth would be developed ! 

But we cannot do justice to this pamphlet No. 3, (as we have not 
dorie to the preceding ones,) and must omit touching on the remain- 
ing topics We believe that attention to Cuba is now forced upon 
the people of the United States. None should answer by saying : 
" We have nothing to say about Cuba ; we do not understand the 
question ; we think our government should not plunge into a 
foreign war,".&c, &c. 

The late action of our government in respect to allowing the 
fleet of Spanish gunboats to depart for Cuba, in order to '' quell 
the insurrection," has greatly dismayed the Cubans among us, who 
have been confidently expecting, after so much encouragement from 
men in power, and from the almost universal sympathy of our 
people with their cause, that the United States Government was. 



14 

about to declare in their favor, and to aid them in their deadly 
struggle for life and liberty. 

" Poor Cuba," said Rawlins, with his dying breath, " the country 
must stand by her ; her tyrannical enemy must be crushed !" 

The Alabama claims ! Because we ask England to repair certain 
injuries which our commerce has suffered through her hasty 
acknowledgment of belligerent rights to the Southern Confederacy, 
it is argued that it would be impolitic for our government to recog- 
nize the independence of Cuba ! We have already urged that 
there is no parallel between the late Secession movement in the 
United States and the efforts of the Cuban patriots to throw off a 
foreign yoke; and this must surely be granted by every reasonable 
mind. 

England had herself insidiously labored to foment sectional 
jealousies in our country ; and she hastened to widen the breach 
by giving her sanction to the rebellion. Her hopes as to the 
destruction of our nation were disappointed. It is right she should 
be required to pay damages in any case where, according to the 
law of nations, she can be made accountable. 

But how unworthy of a great nation to haggle as to a matter of 
dollars and cents, when the great questions of right, of civil and 
religious liberty, are at stake. Let our statesmen act without 
reference to Alabama claims, trusting that in doing our duty, we 
shall receive the blessing of God. If Great Britain should seek to 
throw aside such claims, on the ground that we are acting towards 
Cuba as she acted towards the Federal Government during the 
rebellion, we know to the contrary ; we consider the two cases as 
not analagous ; we can settle the matter in the way which seems 
practicable ; it is only a matter of money ; not of life or liberty. 

If a private individual having a law suit should refuse to do 
some act of duty for fear it would affect his cause, what should we 
think of his conscience or magnanimity ? But if there are Ameri- 
cans who would still harp upon the debt which we claim from 
England on account of the injuries to our commerce from the 
steamship Alabama, who would turn away from poor struggling 
Cuba, to grasp that desired money. — We can say to them that 
Cuba would be worth far more money to our country, either inde- 
pendent or annexed, — but let us not think so meanly of our gov- 
ernment as to suppose it to be influenced by the mere question of 
profit or loss. 



15 

Within a short time there has been a marked change in the 
hopefulness of Cubans residing in the United States, or the many 
who have sought here a temporary home, waiting till the action of 
Congress should enable them to join expeditions, which they hoped 
to see fitted out, to give a successful termination to their attempted 
revolution. 

We have of late heard from one of these men the remark, " I 
should not now be surprised at anything. If the United States 
officials should seize upon all Cubans in the country and send us 
in Spanish gun-boats to foreign prisons. I should not be surprised 
if this government itself should become a military despotism ! " 

While it is painful to witness the disappointment which has now 
settled down upon the warm Cuban hearts in our midst, we think 
there is still light for Cuba, and for our own country, dark though 
our horizon now is. 

In our Senate are noble men, who will not be afraid to speak 
and act for the right. Men who will plead for Cuba, and we trust 
with the eloquence which such a theme should inspire ; and in the 
House of Representatives there are many who will rise superior to 
party influence, and claim that justice be done to the long oppressed 
American island. 





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